Preliminary Programme

In the nineteenth century, Christian missionaries, both Catholic and Protestant, reached to virtually every corner of the globe. By comparing the variety of ways in which different cultures responded to this wave, one can look for patterns and develop some theories about how beliefs and knowledge cross cultural lines. The paper poses such questions as: under what circumstances did conversion take place? Resistance? How did various groups assimilate Christian beliefs and practices into their own, regardless of whether they converted or not? The theories of Robin Horton will be introduced as a starting point.

In China, one finds four basic responses: 1) selective inculturation, represented by the Taiping movement; 2) resistance, in the wake of the Western-imposed treaties imposed which allowed missionaries free rein (The Boxer Rebellion was the best known of a multitude of violent anti-Christian outbreaks); 3) conversion among marginal groups—ethnic or linguistic minorities, former members of popular sects, etc.; 4) using Christian missions as a means to gaining Western secular knowledge, through schools and hospitals. I will argue that Christianity had a short-lived role to play in this last process, and that a strongly secular emphasis in Confucianism meant that Christian intermediaries were often not needed.

The West African case (from Sierra Leone to Nigeria) represents a greater variety of situations, thanks in part to the multiplicity of political units. This meant a greater number of opportunities for missionaries. Despite huge cultural differences, the attraction of missionary education was even stronger than in China; for many areas, missionaries created the first written languages . Conversion tended to take two forms: 1) adaptation to European beliefs and rituals. This was particularly true for ex-slaves who had been sent to Sierra Leone and returned to their ancestral homes or settled in coastal trading towns, some of whom became missionaries themselves; 2) selective inculturation, which characterized the prophetic movements and mass conversions of the early twentieth century, as part of the response to Western colonialism. This presents a marked contrast to the resistance of the Chinese.

If time allows, I will draw some theoretical conclusions from these comparisons as to how an alternative to an evolutionary or modernization perspective might be developed. This hinges on the notion that cultures will strive to maintain an equilibrium among opposing attitudes and tendencies, and that the selective incorporation of religious beliefs and practices from other cultures may be seen as means to that end. (Show less)

Although India and Nigeria are different – in terms of population, economic conditions, cultural and religious traditions -, in the eyes of the missionary strategists of the late nineteenth century or early twentieth century, there were also obvious similarities. In both countries, Christianity had certain strongholds, especially in coastal areas. In both countries, there were social traditions which the missionaries fought to overcome – polygamy being the most significant in Nigeria, caste in India. Another adverse factor was the opposition of indigenous rulers who were often supported by the colonial powers. In India as well as in Nigeria missionary work in environments which were predominantly Muslim was especially difficult; in both countries the colonial power happened to be Great Britain. To compare the situations in these so-called “mission fields”, especially in regard to the relationship between mission and state, was therefore, in the eyes of missionary strategists, the thing to do.
Comparisons were, however, not only helpful to missionary strategists; references to the situation in other “missionary fields” were also employed by indigenous Christians in their struggle to overcome European missionary control. The method which was often used was to collect and to quote information from missionary journals and books. Until 1912, for instance, Indian Anglicans would refer to West Africa as a shining example because there were African assistant bishops. From the late 1920s onwards, Nigerian Christians took notice of the church union movement in India and made efforts to establish a united church in Nigeria. At World Missionary Conferences, there were also direct contacts. After participating in the meeting at Madras in 1938, the Nigerian Methodist Moses Otudale Dada remarked: “The Indians said they did not want missionaries of imperialistic ideas and … the West Africans too agreed.” Thus, comparisons between India and Nigeria helped not only in the struggle for independence from missionary control, but also in the struggle for independence from colonial control. The ecumenical movement created one of the first networks by which direct South-South contacts were established. (Show less)

Between 1770 and 1850, the Methodist Church expanded
from a fringe sect to the largest Christian denomination
in the United States. This paper examines the beginnings of
Methodism in the southern states. It argues that the outbreak of the
Revolutionary War at once brought Methodism into question (for
its ties to the Church of England) and created a context in which
its teachings could best make converts among wealthy southerners, who
could then lead their social inferiors into fellowship. The paper examines
the social networks of conversion to suggest the importance of personal
ties in building the first Methodist communities in this context
of adversity. (Show less)