Preliminary Programme

Mathilda of Flanders, the second wife of Phillip of Alsace, married the Count of Flanders in 1184, at a time when she was already thirty years old. Before leaving her home country and her name behind, she played a prominent role in Portugal, near her father, the first King, in assessing him in the government of the kingdom and managing her wealth with great independence. She was to inaugurate her rule as Countess of Flanders with the same sort of serious commitment to the County and its government, and the premature death of Phillip in the Crusades allowed her to play a role in the future events and in the fate of the County which she would otherwise never have had. Mathilda was probably responsible for many of the economic and political choices done in those years, worked closely with the chancellor during the period when she was “regent” and had to face revolt and rebellion from some of the townsmen. She would also be instrumental in arranging the complex succession of her husband and managed to persuade the King of France of the suitability of her own nephew, Ferrand of Portugal, to be the husband of Joanna of Constantinople, thus certifying herself that the rule of Flanders would continue to be in “Portuguese” hands. She died after Bouvines, not having seen the end of the problems created by Ferrand’s policies.
This paper aims to reassess the life of this Countess and to define more clearly her influence in the county of Flanders in the late 12th and early 13th century, at the light of the existing documents, either in Flanders or in Portugal, and at the light of data which haven’t been looked at before. It also aims at clarifying the ways in which the diplomacy worked in these years and the real part and influence which a woman who came from Portugal, of royal birth, could have played on the political and economic development of Flanders in those difficult years. This will be done by analysing her life, first in Portugal and then in Flanders through the remaining documents, and by studying the social composition of those who were her close supporters, her clientele and the elements given to us by the narrative texts produced about her rule and the one of her nephew Ferrand de Flandres. (Show less)

When a marriage was arranged between the members of the noble families in medieval Scandinavia, the reason mostly was political or/and economic profit. This was the case also, when three marriages in 1466 and 1467 were arranged between the Danish Tott family and Swedish Bonde and Sture families. During the second half of the 15th century and in the beginning of the 16th century the political conflicts between Denmark and Sweden now and then turned to war. Yet not even once there is to notice any differences in the political opinions and actions of the spouses during the political crisis and wars. This seems to be the case also with other marriages and families of the Scandinavian medieval nobility.
It is not the same everywhere in Europe. In some cases spouses supported different parties or even participated in intrigues and conpsiracies agains each other. This was the case e.g. in the marriage of Constance of Sicily (Hauteville) and Henry VI (Hohenstaufen) in 1186-1197. An other example is the marriage of Marguerite de Valois and Henry IV, king of France (Henry III of Navarre), in the 16th century.
In this paper I am going to examine the reasons and backgrouns for these different practices. (Show less)

My work of thesis – the artistic patronage of a family at the court of Burgundy: John the Fearless, Margaret of Bavaria and their daughters - consists in studying the artistic orders, of books and other objects, within the family framework. I was brought, for this research, to lean me on the collection of the books of Agnes of Burgundy, which would be the subject of my communication.
Among the libraries of the princesses of France, one was not yet really interested in details in those of the princesses of Burgundy of first half of XVth century. The library of Margaret of Flanders, Philippe the Bold ’s wife, was outlined in the work of Patrick de Winter but the principal subject remains the library of the duke. The libraries of these princesses would deserve to be studied in themselves, which necessarily passes by the study of the books that the husband or the father had. We are faced with an object of study which can’t be analysed in a completely independent way and which sometimes left few traces in the sources: force is to note that very few collections of women had a real organization with catalogue and guard of the library, except for the queens like Isabeau of Bavaria . These female libraries analysed under the angle of the couple or the family, could make it possible to revalue the real role of the women in the conservation and the acquisition of the medieval manuscripts. It is what we will try to illustrate with the collection of Agnes of Burgundy. Contrary to Margaret of Bavaria, Agnes’s mother, we don’t have any inventory after death for the duchess of Bourbon. No principal source thus gives a report on its collection of books. Despite of this, we will see how we can attach to Agnes of Burgundy nearly a score of manuscripts. Once the list established, we will lean on the content of this library but also on the way in which Agnes acquired these books : if they are loans, dowry, gifts or orders. Agnes could inherit the books of her parents but also of her husband : she had a long life and knew several years of widowhood. Lastly, we will stick on the quite exceptional decoration of the manuscripts of the duchess : which is a rare fact, the majority of the known books of the ducal collection are arrived to us. (Show less)