Preliminary Programme

Tue 13 April
    8.30
    10.45
    14.15
    16.30

Wed 14 April
    8.30
    10.45
    14.15
    16.30

Thu 15 April
    8.30
    10.45
    14.15
    16.30

Fri 16 April
    8.30
    10.45
    14.15
    16.30

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Tuesday 13 April 2010 10.45
Q-2 RUR18 Wine in the World: Production, Consumption and Exchange, 1750-2000
Atelier R2, Pauli
Network: Rural Chair: Giuliana Biagioli
Organizer: Noelle Plack Discussant: Giuliana Biagioli
Eva Fernandez : Collective solution to falling prices: wine co-operatives in France, Italy and Spain, 1890-1980
From the late nineteenth century, farmers co-operated in the production and sale of agricultural products with the aim of adapting themselves to new production conditions and the rising competition in markets. Wine co-operatives allowed small growers to improve the conditions of winemaking, to reduce unit production costs, to apply technical ... (Show more)
From the late nineteenth century, farmers co-operated in the production and sale of agricultural products with the aim of adapting themselves to new production conditions and the rising competition in markets. Wine co-operatives allowed small growers to improve the conditions of winemaking, to reduce unit production costs, to apply technical innovations and to reach economies of scale in marketing. Moreover, growers had incentives to establish winemaking co-operatives because the shortages of space in wine cellars that had been forcing them to sell their wines at lower prices immediately after the harvest. Despite the considerable advantages of a wine co-operative for small growers, few co-operatives were founded in wine-producing countries before 1914. Co-operation only diffused after the late 1930s in France and after 1950 in Italy and Spain. In this paper, the role of co-operatives as a governmental instrument for controlling the supplies that were to be placed in markets is considered as the main explanation for the late expansion in wine co-operatives and the differences in the diffusion of co-operatives in these countries. It is considered that the establishment of co-operatives was only possible with the financial support of the State, helping farmers to overcome the difficulties in raising the capital needed to construct the co-operative’s buildings and cellars. When the real prices of certain agricultural commodities slumped in the interwar period, governments looked at co-operatives as an indirect means for dealing with overproduction without directly intervening in markets. Thus, the rapid diffusion of wine co-operatives in France during the interwar period was possible because of indirect public support through long-term cheap loans. During the Great Depression co-operation was further stimulated by the French administration through the provision of short-term loans for storing wines until prices rose. As a consequence, during the interwar period more than 700 wine co-operatives were established in France, accounting for a third of French production.
In contrast, there were few co-operatives in Spain before 1950. This has been explained by the low support provided by the State to co-operation, resulting from weak public concern about the situation of growers. By contrast, the second half of the twentieth century witnessed an important growth in the number of wine co-operatives in Spain. After the crisis caused by the abundant harvest of 1953, the government promoted co-operation, especially in La Mancha, as an alternative to the public purchase of surplus wine. Besides long-term loans to co-operatives, Spain’s government provided co-operative members with short-term funding so as to encourage them to hold wine in cellars in periods of low prices. Both in France and Spain, co-operatives were concentrated in regions producing ordinary wines, as a public instrument to hold surplus wines, thereby discouraging investment in quality. Moreover, the remuneration of members depended on the quantity and weight of grapes delivered to the co-operative, so that they provided incentives to increase production rather than to improve quality. (Show less)

James Nicholls : Civilising Intoxication: Wine Licensing and Drinking Cultures in England
This paper will explore the history of State legislation in framing wine consumption in England. As an imported commodity, wine has always occupied a complex position within English drinking cultures. Wine-drinking has tended to signify both cultural and economic capital: demonstrating not only affluence, but also connoisseurship, taste and a ... (Show more)
This paper will explore the history of State legislation in framing wine consumption in England. As an imported commodity, wine has always occupied a complex position within English drinking cultures. Wine-drinking has tended to signify both cultural and economic capital: demonstrating not only affluence, but also connoisseurship, taste and a cosmopolitan familiarity with continental cultural practices. This paper will consider how licensing legislation has both reflected these cultural values, but also how it has been used to try to foster ‘continental’ patterns of consumption as an antidote to traditional drinking practices perceived as encouraging drunkenness. It will consider a number of consequences which have flowed from such legislative interventions. Firstly, how efforts to ‘civilise’ drinking behaviours through the promotion of wine have tended to expose presuppositions about class and gender which have historically framed debates over drunkenness in England. Secondly, how the promotion of a domestic wine market has produced long-standing conflicts within the drinks industry, especially between ‘on’ and ‘off’ trades. Finally, how rising levels of wine consumption since the 1960s have shifted attention away from conventional concerns over drunkenness and public order, towards a new concern with domestic drinking and long-term health impacts. (Show less)

Noelle Plack : Vive la liberte: Wine and the French Revolution, c. 1789-1830
Most historical attention on the French wine industry is focussed on the period after 1850. This is when the introduction of the railroads fostered a ‘monocultural revolution’, especially in southern France. Yet, the half century prior to this boom also saw much expansion. Development was seen in terms of surface ... (Show more)
Most historical attention on the French wine industry is focussed on the period after 1850. This is when the introduction of the railroads fostered a ‘monocultural revolution’, especially in southern France. Yet, the half century prior to this boom also saw much expansion. Development was seen in terms of surface area under vines, production, consumption and trade. This paper will argue that this advance was due in large measure to the socio-economic changes brought on by the French Revolution. Not only were proprietors liberated to cultivate what they wanted with the Rural Code of 1791, but changes in land tenure, due to the sales of biens nationaux and the division of common land, restructured and increased viticulture in many regions. Between 1789 and 1830 the surface area under vines grew by 25% while production witnessed a rise of almost 50%. Another significant change was seen in the market for wine. In the spring 1791 all municipal tolls were abolished and a unified internal market created, which meant that wine could be shipped to and sold in cities and towns without extra taxes. Although the droit reunis re-introduced a tax on wine in 1804, it was eight times lower than it had been during the ancien régime. This fostered a rise in urban consumption which reached 156 litres per person per year between 1801-8 with prices also increasing by 20% between 1800 and 1820. These substantial changes in the wine market have been ignored by historians for too long. They are important because they can illuminate how growth was achieved in the decades before 1850, but they also are significant because they contribute to the on-going debate about the impact of the French Revolution. (Show less)



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