Preliminary Programme

The paper focuses on the debates surrounding the nature of housework in the context of Italian and UK feminism during the 1960s-70s. It compares the ideological and discursive origins as well as the socio-cultural and political contexts of this debate in these two contexts. It also maps the transnational transfers of ideas and texts between Italian and British feminist groups, and the ways in which these were re-contextualised in local situations. Focusing specifically on the Wages for Housework Campaign, it aims to offer new insight into the transnational as well as local dimensions of feminist debate surrounding the definition of work and the relationship between production and reproduction. (Show less)

In my paper I am going to explore the relationships between the national and the transnational during WW I, in terms of the complex historical interconnections between national and international feminist movements.
The interaction between Russian women’s movement and foreign and international women organizations during First World War was defined by a number of factors. The first one is the confrontation of liberal, suffrage, socialist and democratic ideologies, each of which offered its original way of construction of the global women’s solidarity. It should be also noted that the confrontation of such movements as militarism, pacifism, nationalism and the ideas of international solidarity had a great influence on the fortunes of the international organizations. Secondly, we should take into account the role and influence of the other international actors (for example, the Second International, pacifist organizations, etc) which also were interested in woman's question.
The leading international women’s organizations proclaimed their attachment to pacifism. Since 1899 the delegations of International Council of Women (ICW) were taking part in peaceful conferences in Hague (1899, 1907). International Women Suffrage Alliance (IWSA) initiated organization of “International Committee of Women for Permanent Peace” in 1915. In1913 it had been decided that the next congress of IWSA would take place in Berlin in 1915. But after the beginning of WWI Women Suffrage Union of Germany declared that it would be impossible to conduct it in Berlin. The actions of German suffragists were the beginning of the split in international women movement. The crucial question concerned the possibility for the women organizations in belligerent countries to cooperate. The initiator of women peaceful conference was the Suffrage Union of Holland. It suggested to devote the conference only to one problem – the question of war and peace. However a lot of governments of belligerent countries forbade delegations of women to leave the countries in order to participate at the congress.
Unlike Western feminist organizations, Russian ones (Russian Women League for equality, Russian Women Mutual Aid Society) chose patriotism and didn’t take part in Hague’s conference. Thus the dilemma “solidarity vs patriotism” was settled in favor of the patriotism. During this war period Russian liberal and women’s suffrage organizations using patriotic practices, were able to strengthen their positions in and influence on political elite, as well as achieve the main purpose - political rights for women.
International Women Socialist Secretariat (IWSC) was split. II International was ideologically split also. At this period the leader of IWSC Clara Zetkin supported the pacifist ideas and the participation in Hague conference. Radical position was formulated by Lenin. He supposed that WWI should be converted into revolution or war between proletariat and capital. He used the links and influence of A.M. Kollontay, schism of the IWSC which led to the split of II International.
Thus WWI led to significant changes in interactions between Russian and International women’s organizations and eventually became the most important factor which stipulated the end of the first wave of feminism. (Show less)

This intervention, which we hope will be added into a roundtable discussion, aims to explain a projected Dictionary of Italian feminism (70s-90s) to retrieve to the contemporary scene those terms on which feminist reflection was stirred.
As non-academic historians and feminists we believe that there’s a gap between theory and practice of Italian feminism, that gap has its tighter focus on body and intergenerational transmission issues.
Our methodological and political choice to realize the Dictionary socializing our thoughts wants demonstrate that the intersection between the most traditional places for cultural debate and the new ones does not go haywire but, on the contrary, expands the breadth of cultural production.
To this end we have created a blog, “We dwell in possibility”, which is both a dictionary laboratory and a tool to sharing ideas. (Show less)

This intervention, which we hope will be added into a roundtable discussion, aims to explain a projected Dictionary of Italian feminism (70s-90s) to retrieve to the contemporary scene those terms on which feminist reflection was stirred.
As non-academic historians and feminists we believe that there’s a gap between theory and practice of Italian feminism, that gap has its tighter focus on body and intergenerational transmission issues.
Our methodological and political choice to realize the Dictionary socializing our thoughts wants demonstrate that the intersection between the most traditional places for cultural debate and the new ones does not go haywire but, on the contrary, expands the breadth of cultural production.
To this end we have created a blog, “We dwell in possibility”, which is both a dictionary laboratory and a tool to sharing ideas. (Show less)

This intervention, which we hope will be added into a roundtable discussion, aims to explain a projected Dictionary of Italian feminism (70s-90s) to retrieve to the contemporary scene those terms on which feminist reflection was stirred.
As non-academic historians and feminists we believe that there’s a gap between theory and practice of Italian feminism, that gap has its tighter focus on body and intergenerational transmission issues.
Our methodological and political choice to realize the Dictionary socializing our thoughts wants demonstrate that the intersection between the most traditional places for cultural debate and the new ones does not go haywire but, on the contrary, expands the breadth of cultural production.
To this end we have created a blog, “We dwell in possibility”, which is both a dictionary laboratory and a tool to sharing ideas. (Show less)