Preliminary Programme

Founded in the 17th century as a French Catholic colony, Quebec exhibited an exceptionally high fertility and mortality regime throughout the colonial period (Charbonneau et. al. 2000). From the 1970s onward, several scholars from the Programme de recherche en démographie historique (PRDH) studied colonial Quebec’s high natural fertility, emphasizing the diversity of fertility patterns, but mainly in terms of urban-rural or socio-economic statuses (Charbonneau, 1980; Charbonneau, 1984; Lapierre-Adamcyk et. al., 1984; Gadoury, Landry & Charbonneau, 1985; Gauvreau, 1987; Bates, 1986; Paquette and Bates, 1986). Since then, new research opportunities at the PRDH have emerged via the extension of our longitudinal data to include the English colonial regime from 1760 up to and beyond 1800. These new data encourage a fresh take on colonial Quebec fertility patterns, one which uses survival analysis to maximize the time-varying aspects of our data. A recent study of women’s first-birth intervals in this historic population revealed important family associations with the waiting time to first birth; sisters shared the biological transmission of fecundity, while fecundity was also positively associated with residential proximity to mothers-in-law. The proposed conference paper will take this story further, this time focusing on inter-birth intervals. The waiting time to next birth was likely influenced not only by environmental and biological variables but also by certain factors shared among siblings. Quebec women bore 7 children on average while those with complete reproductive periods bore 10-11 children, yet most women also lost 2 or more children in infancy; by hastening the return to fecundability, infant mortality affected intergenesic intervals. Both fecundity and infant mortality risks were shared within families; at the same time, residence in proximity to siblings may have helped mitigate mortality risks and foster reproductive success. Our paper will address the complex ways in which these factors intersected to condition the waiting time to next birth, and how the relative weight of these factors shifted as women advanced from their first childbirth toward the end of their reproductive period. (Show less)

The influence of family composition on demographic behaviour is still in many aspects unclear for pre-modern populations in Europe. Therefore, we examine the impact of the composition of siblings in households on demographic outcomes and family strategies for 19th century rural Westphalia, a region where impartible inheritance leads to remarkable downward mobility and strong social inequality even within sib sets. We investigate what influence age and sex of children, and especially living siblings have on decision making on different types of family transitions. We use databases on a microhistorical level for Westphalian parishes, in particular family reconstitutions containing additional information about socioeconomic status and in part data on family transfers. (Show less)

This paper focuses on Ribeira Seca, a large rural and peripheral parish of the island of S. Jorge (The Azores) composed by several small and dispersed communities located in a mountainous region. Despite the remoteness of these villages, it was a place where an important population growth was recorded, which was followed by a massive emigration to Brazil and to the United States of America during the 19th century. Marriage restrictions were severe, resulting in a high average age at marriage, as well as permanent celibacy. This lead to one of the most evident consequences - the high levels of illegitimacy, reaching nearly 20% of the total births, during the 19th century.
Using the family reconstruction available for the 1800-1910 period and the parochial census (1875-1910) – libri status animarum – we aim to study how the number of sibling and its birth order had an impact on the family life transitions. Were the eldest sons more likely to migrate? Did the younger sisters have the same marriage opportunities, or were they supposed to assist their parents at home? How did the inheritance patterns could influence their decisions?
To do so, we will follow the couples and single mothers that had all their children between 1850 and 1865. This will allow us to follow their live events in combination with their residential patterns. Several sources with relevant life event information, such as the passport information (1872-1910) and notarial information will also be used. (Show less)

The intergenerational transmission of social status or occupations in preindustrial societies was mainly determinate by blood (nobility), by land inheritance (peasantry) or by bequest of the means of production (artisans). It was one of the bases for group identities and it involves consequently class formation (Kocka, 1984, Van Leuwen et al., 2005), together with strategic use of marriage (see Arrizabalaga, 2005; Bourdieu, 1976 & 2004; Bull, 2005; Chacón, 1998; Dribe & Lundh, 2005; Ferrer, 2006 & 2007; van Leeuwen & Mass, 2005; Torrents, 1998; Vilalta, 2006). This sort of class identities conforms the family as the core of a social system, subject to changes as a consequence of demographic behaviors, a specific legal system, or the expansion and restriction of economy. In order to understand the significance of those issues, we do propose to analyze how in ordered Catalan society the father’s social group could determine the integration of the son into the same group. The use of marriage order of sons and the number of siblings can be one of the means to get it possible; or the Catalan inheritance legal system, based on the principle of impartible inheritance. This system guarantees to the eldest son the privilege to be the heir (Barrera González, 2005; Comas d'Argemir, 1988; Ferrer, 2007 & 2010).
Data for the analysis come from marriage licenses issued by the Diocese of Barcelona from mid sixteenth century to mid seventeenth century, collected into the Barcelona Historical Marriage Database (ERC-Five Centuries of Marriages project) applying two complementary analyses, a descriptive analysis and a multivariate analysis.
The analyses shows how social or economic group of first married children highly match to fathers occupation, followed by the second, third married children, etc. mainly for the agrarian sector. That is to say, the coincidence decreases with each new married child. Then, we can consider the strategic use of marriage order as a way to preserve the properties, unlike the artisans use of the number of siblings to transmit their occupations; this pattern is even more complex than the farmers one. This complexity comes from the fact that a father and a son could be both artisans but not necessary to have the same specialization, and even not belonging to the same production branch. In fact, there would be different occupational opportunities for different generations due to an expansive economy. And, a different specialization of a son could help to diversify the economy of the family, or could evidence an adaptation to new economic opportunities.
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In the pre-industrial rural society, family played an important role. Members of the extended family or the kin network were interconnected by a complex system of various personal and economic ties and bonds. However, the position of individual family members was far from being identical even when they came from the same social class. In a system where farms were impartible, only one child, i.e. the selected heir of the farmstead, enjoyed a privileged position. As for the heir’s siblings, even their prospects and opportunities in life differed, often considerably.
In my contribution I try to answer the question of how and to what extent a particular birth order in a farmer’s family influenced a child’s future social position and opportunities. There is no question that birth order had a bearing on the possibility of being appointed as heir. As for the other siblings, however, were there any significant advantages to being born earlier or later? In what way did the number of children influence the family strategy adopted by the parents? Were they trying to provide equally for all their offspring, meaning that the more children they had the smaller were their inheritance shares? Or did the parents prefer to secure a higher social standing in the landowners’ class for just some of their children while the rest of them had to accept social decline?
My analysis will be based on data gathered in the Š?áhlavy domain in western Bohemia, near Pilsen. In this domain, until the end of the 18th century, it was the youngest son of the farmer who became the heir of the property. After a patent was issued in 1787, stipulating that in the absence of a testament, the eldest son was to inherit, the new pattern gradually prevailed in Š?áhlavy. Clearly, the two systems of inheritance required parents to apply different strategies. In the first case, when the eldest son inherited, the parents could use the dowry of his bride to provide for those children who were coming of age after the heir’s wedding. If, on the contrary, the youngest son was to be appointed as heir, most of his siblings had to be provided for before the heir even reached adulthood.
The aim of my analysis is to show the main differences in the strategies pursued by the parents under the two inheritance systems. I would also like to discuss whether there were any differences in the prospects and opportunities for children depending on their birth rank. Given that it is marriage that I consider as a milestone marking the boundary between different life stages, I will focus precisely on whether and in what ways birth order influenced the conditions of mariage of the children. I will in particular concentrate on two areas, i.e. age at marriage and selection of partner (his/her social status, age and family status). I will also look at wheter definitive celibacy was more likely among children of a certain birth rank. (Show less)