Recent scholarship on the relation between early anarchists and the 1789-1848 French revolutions has shown an ambivalent attitude toward the French “Republican” and “Revolutionary” tradition. On the one hand, anarchists refused the official République, on the other they claimed for anarchism as the ‘true’ republic of workers and of equality. ...
(Show more)Recent scholarship on the relation between early anarchists and the 1789-1848 French revolutions has shown an ambivalent attitude toward the French “Republican” and “Revolutionary” tradition. On the one hand, anarchists refused the official République, on the other they claimed for anarchism as the ‘true’ republic of workers and of equality. It is worth noting that, before the Swiss and Italian federations of the Anti-Authoritarian International adopted formally the label of “anarchist communists” in the mid-1870s, most of the future anarchists defined themselves as Republicans. Many of them were acquainted with the international networks of Giuseppe Mazzini and with the French republican opposition to the Second Empire (1852-1870). It was the case of Elisée Reclus (1830-1905), who maintained his wishes for an ideal ‘Republic’ all his life long. Another of the ‘Founding Fathers’ of anarchism and a scholar of the 1789 French Revolution, James Guillaume (1844-1916), was even involved in the Republican movement for popular and secular education led by Ferdinand Buisson since he moved from Switzerland to France in 1878.
My main argument is that there is a privileged link between the anarchist and the republican traditions, which took both inspirations from the historical experiences of free communes, free cities and free republics in Europe between the Middle Ages and the early modern period, and from the seventieth century English revolutions and the 1789 French one. Between the nineteenth and the twentieth century, anarchists were empathetic towards the most radical components of the republican movements and especially with their federalist and anticlerical components. Anarchists and Republicans shared common struggles against monarchies (such as in the case of the Italian Risorgimento and of French republican opposition from 1848 to 1871), against empires (in Eastern Europe, Ireland and in the extra-European colonised world) and finally against fascism (the most striking example being the transnational movement Giustizia e Libertà in Italian, French and Spanish anti-fascist resistance).
This allows seeing anarchism not as a “derivation” or “dissident branch” of Marxism, but as a major political thinking inserted in a secular European tradition, which finds its roots in the idea that Philip Pettit calls ‘freedom as non-domination’, which anarchists elaborated then in a radically equalitarian and cosmopolite way.
As an example and a major case study, I analyse the texts and the archives of two important intellectuals and activists like Guillaume and Reclus in order to understand their references to the concepts of republic and republican freedom and their importance for the respective political agendas.
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