Preliminary Programme

Wed 24 March
    11.00 - 12.15
    12.30 - 13.45
    14.30 - 15.45
    16.00 - 17.15

Thu 25 March
    11.00 - 12.15
    12.30 - 13.45
    14.30 - 15.45
    16.00 - 17.15

Fri 26 March
    11.00 - 12.15
    12.30 - 13.45
    14.30 - 15.45
    16.00 - 17.15

Sat 27 March
    11.00 - 12.15
    12.30 - 13.45
    14.30 - 15.45
    16.00 - 17.00

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Friday 26 March 2021 11.00 - 12.15
R-9 ETH13 Migration as Crime (Migrants and the Criminal Justice System)
R
Networks: Criminal Justice , Ethnicity and Migration Chair: Manon van der Heijden
Organizers: - Discussant: Manon van der Heijden
Cigdem Billur Ada : ‘How many Husbands should a Woman have?’: the Roots of Anticommunist Gender Mystification in Turkey in the Political Refugees (1923-1927)
In 1923, a group of political refugees from Azerbaijan, Crimea, Dagestan and Bashkortostan initiated an anti-Bolshevik propaganda journal called Yeni Kafkasya (New Caucasus) in Istanbul. The journal was consisted of the articles about the ‘threat of communism’ against the Turks in order to get domestic support from Turkey against the ... (Show more)
In 1923, a group of political refugees from Azerbaijan, Crimea, Dagestan and Bashkortostan initiated an anti-Bolshevik propaganda journal called Yeni Kafkasya (New Caucasus) in Istanbul. The journal was consisted of the articles about the ‘threat of communism’ against the Turks in order to get domestic support from Turkey against the Bolsheviks. In contrast to the common understanding in the literature which takes predominantly the establishment of the Association for Fighting Communism in 1948 as a starting point of the anticommunist discourse in Turkey, the articles in Yeni Kafkasya constituted an early source for this discourse before the outbreak of the Cold War. From 1925 onwards, one of the subjects that the journal emphasized was the ‘destruction of family and honour’ under the Soviet regime and how it threatened the Muslim women and Turkish families. In order to underline the importance of this subject, the fictional stories about polygamy, honour, out of wedlock children and disappearance of family in the Soviet Union were disseminated by the journal. Throughout the 1960s, these stories took place in the publications of the Association for Fighting Communism and Foundation for the Spread of Knowledge, which were the ideological bases of the Turkish nationalists and Islamists, as a mystification of the Soviet women and family and presented to describe the ‘threat of communism’. In this manner, it is possible to argue that the anti-communist gender discourse of the refugees nurtured the Turkish right tremendously. However, evaluation of this discourse as an element of an ‘imported ideology’ fails to explain the reasons for the anti-communist gender mystification at full length. In this regard, the mid-1920s were vital. In this period, the family-children journals such as Gürbüz Türk Çocu?u (Robust Turkish Child) to which the famous pan-Turkists such as Ahmet A?ao?lu and Yusuf Akçura contributed were popular in Turkey. This period also overlapped with the period in which the proliferation of the fictional stories about family and gender took place in Yeni Kafkasya. Through the analysis of these journals, the influence of domestic politics, which presented family as the core of the Turkish nation and women as mothers who transferred ideology to the future generations, can be shown clearly. In this paper, the gender mystification of the anti-communist discourse in Turkey is questioned in order to understand how such a small group of political refugee intellectuals influenced this discourse which was dominant in Turkey throughout the Cold War period and to what extent this discourse was affected by the domestic politics of the receiving state. Finally, this research is primarily based on an in-depth analysis of the 96 volumes of Yeni Kafkasya, which were published between 1923 and 1927. (Show less)

Jeannette Kamp : (In)tolerant Policing? Crimmigration in the Netherlands 1600-1900
In current scholarly migration debates the overrepresentation of certain groups of migrants in the criminal system is a central subject of debate. The American lawyer Stumpf argues that membership theory explains so-called crimmigration: the convergence of migration and criminal law. Membership theory provides decision makers with justification for excluding individuals ... (Show more)
In current scholarly migration debates the overrepresentation of certain groups of migrants in the criminal system is a central subject of debate. The American lawyer Stumpf argues that membership theory explains so-called crimmigration: the convergence of migration and criminal law. Membership theory provides decision makers with justification for excluding individuals from society, using immigration and criminal law as the means of exclusion (Stumpf 2006). Van der Leun introduced the term crimmigration in Dutch research. She argues that this new approach would inevitably revise the idea of renowned Dutch toleration towards migrants (Engbersen & Van der Leun 2007, 443; Wermink et. al 2005). The question of over-representation is considered a recent phenomenon that is related to the large migration flows since the late 1950s.
There are clear indications, however, that the courts systematically discriminated against immigrants before the 20th century. De Koster and Reinke emphasized the interrelationship between migration and crime as a continuous issue of official concern from the 16th century onwards (De Koster & Reinke 2016). Research for various regions and periods in Europe demonstrates that distinctions between ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ often resulted in biased policing and criminal prosecution. In most countries poor migrants in particular were associated with criminal behaviour and disrupting public order (Blanc-Chaléard 2001; Van Leeuwen 2000; Winter & Lambrecht 2013).
Furthermore, the early modern judicial system was characterized by legal inequality and biased prosecution policies. Moreover, the implementation of vagrancy laws created a practice of policing which specifically targeted outsiders. Vagrants and minorities such as gypsies and Jews were increasingly labeled a criminals (especially thieves) and outlawed in certain regions in early modern Europe. Endeavour to control unwanted newcomers gave rise shaped the development of urban and territorial police forces. Pioneering work on London in the 18th century demonstrates clear discriminatory patterns towards Irish migrants, which reflects patterns of stigmatization in society (King 2013; Godfrey et al. 2008). Examinations on 18th-century Holland suggest that immigrants increasingly became overrepresented amongst the accused when the economy started to decline (Faber 1983, 238; Balvers 2014).
For the Dutch Republic no systematic overview for the relationship between migrants, the police and the criminal justice exists. The Netherlands are often portrayed as a society with a relative open and tolerant attitude towards migrants. In the 17th century the Dutch Republic offered refuge to religious exiles from other countries and the 19th century is often described as age of a ‘liberal migration regime’. This will study the interrelationship between the Dutch ‘migration regime’ and the position of migrants before the criminal courts employing the conceptual framework of crimmigration. Was the image of a tolerant nation also reflected in the prosecution and punishment practices of Dutch cities? (Show less)

Christina Lokk : Migrant Spaces of Consumption – Russian Grocery Shops in Germany
Since the post-war years different migration waves have been shaping urban consumer landscapes and consumer cultures in Germany, which is probably most visible in the food sector. Italian ice cream shops, Greek taverns, Turkish kebab houses and Spanish delis brought and established by the Gastarbeiter generation are nowadays considered permanent ... (Show more)
Since the post-war years different migration waves have been shaping urban consumer landscapes and consumer cultures in Germany, which is probably most visible in the food sector. Italian ice cream shops, Greek taverns, Turkish kebab houses and Spanish delis brought and established by the Gastarbeiter generation are nowadays considered permanent features of German food culture. Other places like Thai restaurants or falafel shops are connnotated as more exotic and have become features of modern lifestyles in urban milieus. Such processes of cultural exchange, however, do not always work in the same way.
Another big migration wave in Germany happened after the fall of the Soviet Union. Today Russian-speaking people who came from different post-soviet states make up the biggest migrant community. Surprisingly, their cuisine has not found its way into the mainstream of German society. The range of gastronomic offerings is insignificantly small and typical food products are mostly available in so-called Russian grocery shops, which are located in migrant neighbourhoods on the outskirts. In public discourse those shops are often represented as ethnic enclaves fostering a parallel society. However, no systematic research has been conducted in this particular field yet.
My PhD project, which is located between consumer and migrant sociology addresses this particular gap. I am conducting a qualitative study in Russian grocery shops in Germany focusing on the insight perspective. By means of structured guideline interviews with owners and customers I have collected over the past two years I am trying to explore the necessity and meaning of those spaces of consumption to the Russian-speaking migrant community. On the basis of this empirical data I would like to give an insight into these particular worlds of consumption created by migrants and discuss the following questions: What kind of role does their existence play in their everyday lives? What do those shops and the sold goods mean to them and in which contexts are the products consumed? (Show less)

Leo Lucassen : Xenophobia and the Left: a Global Overview
In this paper I will analyse and compare xenophobic reactions to migrants in different political settings (nation states, empires, colonies and settler colonies) since 1800 by labour unions and left-wing political parties and try to understand the conditions under which left-wing xenophobia occurs.



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