Preliminary Programme

Wed 24 March
    08.30 - 10.30
    11.00 - 13.00
    14.00 - 16.00
    16.30 - 18.30

Thu 25 March
    08.30 - 10.30
    11.00 - 13.00
    14.00 - 16.00
    16.30 - 18.30

Fri 26 March
    08.30 - 10.30
    11.00 - 13.00
    14.00 - 16.00
    16.30 - 18.30

Sat 27 March
    08.30 - 10.30
    11.00 - 13.00
    14.00 - 16.00
    16.00 - 17.00

All days
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Wednesday 24 March 2021 08.30 - 10.30
J-1 POL01 Gendered Politics
Johan Huizinga, 025
Networks: Politics, Citizenship, and Nations , Women and Gender Chair: Izabela Dahl
Organizers: - Discussant: Izabela Dahl
Nupur Chaudhuri : East India Company and British Marriage Market in India
Nupur Chaudhuri’s paper East India Company and British Marriage Mart from the Eighteenth to Mid-Nineteenth Century, discusses Anglo-Indian women's journey to India began under the policy and the assistance of the East India Company as early as the mid-seventeenth century. Majority of these British men went to India as single ... (Show more)
Nupur Chaudhuri’s paper East India Company and British Marriage Mart from the Eighteenth to Mid-Nineteenth Century, discusses Anglo-Indian women's journey to India began under the policy and the assistance of the East India Company as early as the mid-seventeenth century. Majority of these British men went to India as single men. But the idea of single life for the employees did not prevail too long. When British men, started to live with Goanese Christian women, the children of Portuguese colonists. The religious consequences of these mixed marriages between Roman Catholic Goanese women and Anglican British men alarmed the Directors of the East India Company. To reverse this undesirable social trend, the Company took steps. This paper will discuss the ways the Directors of the East India Company tried to stop the marriages between Roman Catholic Goanese women and Anglican British men. (Show less)

My Klockar Linder : Transnational Pronatalism: Collaboration and Family Policy Exchanges in the Baltic Sea Area in the 1940s
The paper will present preliminary findings from my ongoing research project “Transnational pronatalism: collaboration and family policy exchanges in the Baltic Sea area in the 1940s”. Focusing on the collaboration between three non-govermental organizations in Finland and Sweden, the project analyses how considerations regarding population, family and procreation were transferred ... (Show more)
The paper will present preliminary findings from my ongoing research project “Transnational pronatalism: collaboration and family policy exchanges in the Baltic Sea area in the 1940s”. Focusing on the collaboration between three non-govermental organizations in Finland and Sweden, the project analyses how considerations regarding population, family and procreation were transferred and negotiated in national and transnational contexts. The research question concerns what I call transnational pronatalism or how pronatalist principles – i.e. ideals and efforts to support nativity – were uttered, staged, motivated, communicated, negotiated and mobilized around as part of transnational exchanges. The project asks how collaborations to promote population, family and procreation were possible when on the one hand performed over national borders and on the other hand based within national contexts, and how pronatalist principles were negotiated in this specific historical and transnational context. By exploring this question historically, the overarching purpose of the project is to historizise the concept pronatalism.
Empirically, the project investigates the interaction and exchanges between three organizations usually framed as “pronatalist”: The Swedish Population and Family Federation (Befolkningsförbundet Svenska Familjevärnet), The Finnish Population and Welfare League (Västelöliitto) and the Swedish Population Federation in Finland (Svenska befolkningsförbundet i Finland). The organizations were established in the early 1940s with similar aims: to increase nativity by promoting positive family values and by supporting the interests of families with many children. Both The Swedish Family Defense and Finnish Väestöliitto have been labelled pronatalist which, given the outspoken aim of each organization, is not a deceptive characteristic. However, in order to historizise the concept, I cannot assume that “pronatalism” consists of a ready-made set of ideas and principles. The research task is to analyze how such ideas and principles were articulated and conceptualized in a historical material. Investigating the interactions between the organizations is a way of doing this, as it means such ideas and principles, explicitly and implicitly, were uttered, staged, motivated, communicated, (re-)negotiated in national and transnational settings. The project investigates how the interactions between the organizations meant that ideas about population, family and fertility were communicated and exchanged, highlighting the common interests that made exchanges possible as well as the limits of the exchanges.
In the presentation, main focus will be on the Swedish organization. I will outline the organization’s main features and present some of its most prominent members, thus situating the organization as an important actor within the historical process of Swedish family policy formation. I will shortly discuss whether the concept “reform technocrat” (Lundin & Stenlås) is a productive way to understand the people involved in the organization as actors in the making of Swedish family and social policy. In order to historicize the organization’s pronatalism, I will discuss how the organization framed its strivings as utterly democratic, thereby explicitly and implicitly positioning itself against population and family policies associated with contemporary authoritarian regimes. (Show less)

Timothy Rees : Politics, Pistols and Prostitutes: Male Culture and Spanish Communism, 1919-43
Despite strenuous efforts, the international communist movement between the wars failed to attract women to the ranks of its member parties in any significant numbers. Although ostensibly promoting gender equality, women remained a small minority in terms of both membership and in achieving positions of leadership. This failure has usually ... (Show more)
Despite strenuous efforts, the international communist movement between the wars failed to attract women to the ranks of its member parties in any significant numbers. Although ostensibly promoting gender equality, women remained a small minority in terms of both membership and in achieving positions of leadership. This failure has usually been attributed to a mismatch between the ideological rhetoric of communism and a reality in which issues of gender inequality were ignored as of secondary importance to class differences, and by the assumption that a successful revolution would, by its very nature, automatically eliminate differences between men and women in a future socialist society. This paper examines the case of the Spanish Communist Party (PCE), a party that was both typical and, in some respects, exceptional in terms of its ability to attract women members. Even when concern at the failure to recruit women finally prompted the party to make specific efforts to recruit more female members during the 1930s, the numbers remained stubbornly low, reaching just over 8% of the total membership during the unusual circumstances of the Spanish Civil War. As such, the PCE attracted proportionally fewer women than many parties of the Catholic conservative right in Spain, despite publicly championing gender equality. At the same time, the PCE also managed to produce a few prominent female figures, including Dolores Ibarruri, the only female leader of any communist party. While accepting that the lack of a specifically feminist commitment and policies partly explains this situation, this paper instead examines the significant role played by a hostile masculine culture that pervaded the PCE. This was summed up by one observer as an obsession among the party’s mostly young and male militants with ‘three Ps’: Politics, Pistols and Prostitutes. These attitudes towards violent revolutionary politics, women and male behaviour were derived from aspects of working-class life and culture which were carried into the party by many of its male adherents. This dominant culture played a huge role in shaping everyday relations within the party, not just towards women but also in terms of male behaviour. Above all, the sense that the PCE was the preserve of sexually predatory (mainly young) men both alienated women and profoundly affected the behaviour of those who did join despite this culture, including women such as Ibarruri who achieve public prominence. (Show less)



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