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Wed 18 March
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    11.00 - 13.00
    14.00 - 16.00
    16.30 - 18.30

Thu 19 March
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Fri 20 March
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    11.00 - 13.00
    14.00 - 16.00
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Sat 21 March
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    14.00 - 16.00
    16.00 - 17.00

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Wednesday 18 March 2020 16.30 - 18.30
B-4 RUR14 Markets, Demography and Regional Agricultural Development
P.N. van Eyckhof 2, 002
Network: Rural Chair: Piet van Cruyningen
Organizers: - Discussants: -
Cedric Chambru, Paul Maneuvrier-Hervieu : Backward Province? Real Wages and Living Standards in Early Modern Normandy
This paper presents a new estimation of real wages for Early Modern Normandy with regard to a subsistence line. It uses prices information relating to seventeen grains markets and newly collected wages from the account books of parishes’ fabrique and various livres de compte to analyse the evolution of living ... (Show more)
This paper presents a new estimation of real wages for Early Modern Normandy with regard to a subsistence line. It uses prices information relating to seventeen grains markets and newly collected wages from the account books of parishes’ fabrique and various livres de compte to analyse the evolution of living standards in Normandy before the French Revolution. Recent researches suggest that real wage levels, an important factor in Allen’s theory of Industrial Revolution, have been probably underestimated in France outside Paris. We take up the case of Normandy, a wealthy province northwest of Paris that accounted for 10 per cent of the total French population, to bring new evidence to the debate. We construct series of real wages for skilled and unskilled workers. We find that skilled workers in urban areas (Rouen) were paid, in real terms, as much as their peers in Paris. However, real wages of skilled workers in agricultural-centered areas were significantly lower in Paris. These new estimates suggest that wages in Normandy during the eighteenth century were in between wages paid in northern European cities (Antwerp, London) and wages in the Mediterranean area (Florence, Valencia). We also shed light on the socio-economic factors, including wars and industrial or commercial shocks, which explain short-term variations in real wages during the eighteenth century. (Show less)

Christiane Cheneaux-Berthelot : The Seine Department: a Counter or Revealing Example of the French Wheat Economy in the XIXth Century
The Seine Department in the XIXth century still included large agricultural areas in the district of Saint Denis in the north and the district of Sceaux in the south of Paris. But what was called « the radius of Paris » ( a large part of ‘Ile de France’) was ... (Show more)
The Seine Department in the XIXth century still included large agricultural areas in the district of Saint Denis in the north and the district of Sceaux in the south of Paris. But what was called « the radius of Paris » ( a large part of ‘Ile de France’) was the only supplier in wheat of Paris. The Seine Department which was the smallest, the most densely populated and the wealthiest one might appear as an intruder among the large wheat lands of that time. Actually, this department was also totally representative of both the achievements and archaic aspects of French agriculture. Although the region was the core of the business trade of cereals, the delayed progress of transport infrastructures acted as a brake. What was the real impact of the leading role of this ‘prominent’ capital- department on the other agricultural markets of the country ? Did the presence of the goverment headquarters and the influence of powerful merchants in the Seine Department have any negative or positive impact in the general prevailing economic crisis of the time ? Can the local study of this specific department be used as a marker of the global wheat economy in France in the XIXth century ? (Show less)

Hugo La Poutré : The Effects of Plague on Demography in England, 1348-1377
Between 1348 and 1377 England was struck by four successive plague epidemics, causing the population to decline dramatically. This decline had major implications for agriculture, trade, living standards, and urbanization. It even had its effect on the feudal system. Because of its very nature, this population shrinkage was not a ... (Show more)
Between 1348 and 1377 England was struck by four successive plague epidemics, causing the population to decline dramatically. This decline had major implications for agriculture, trade, living standards, and urbanization. It even had its effect on the feudal system. Because of its very nature, this population shrinkage was not a smooth process, but the result of demographic shocks instead. Until now, a quantitative description of this process is missing, because demographic information on this period is too scarce.
To overcome this problem, models on mortality and fertility are constructed which are used for a computer simulation of population change during this period. Mortality is modelled separately for plague years and non-plague years. Plague mortality is assumed to have been irrespective of age, while mortality in non-plague years is based upon the hazard function for adults as proposed by Thatcher (1999), which was extended to relate to children as well. Fertility is assumed to have only existed within marriage, being typified by a constant birth interval until menopause. Appropriate values for the parameters of these three models are obtained from literature (Russell, 1948; Biraben, 1975; Clark, 1977; Razi, 1980; Ecclestone, 1999; Benedictow, 2004; Signoli et al., 2006; Christakos et al., 2007).
The simulated time series shows population to have shrunk 55 per cent within this period. It also shows that the proportion under age 14 increased from about one third in 1348 to as much as 45 per cent in 1377. Since the population of age 14 and above is already estimated to have been 1.6 million in 1377 (Broadberry et al., 2015), English population size sums up to 2.8 million in 1377, which would bring population size in 1348 to 6.3 million. Such a figure, in accordance with an earlier estimate based upon manure availability (La Poutré, 2017), is as high as England's population size at the start of the Industrial Revolution in the 1760's (Wrigley et al., 1997). (Show less)

Joshua Rhodes : ‘Peasants’, Farm Size, and the Development of Capitalist Farming in England, c.1500-c.1800
From R. H. Tawney (1912) to R. C. Allen (1992) historians have argued that the development of market-oriented, large-scale farming in early modern England was a process driven by landlords, at the peasantry's expense. This scholarship has been dominated by the use of manorial surveys to chart changes in the ... (Show more)
From R. H. Tawney (1912) to R. C. Allen (1992) historians have argued that the development of market-oriented, large-scale farming in early modern England was a process driven by landlords, at the peasantry's expense. This scholarship has been dominated by the use of manorial surveys to chart changes in the size of farms. However, manorial surveys cannot reliably be used as evidence of farm size because of the practice of subletting, which occurred when manorial tenants (head tenants) leased their land to others (subtenants) rather than farming holdings themselves. A recent innovative methodology reconstructing the activities of subtenants shows, in fact, it was those cultivating the land who often drove the consolidation and engrossment of farms (Rhodes, 2018). While this is an important finding, it has been based on eighteenth-century evidence from only two southern parishes. We currently do not have a sufficient understanding of the role played by cultivators and subletting in the engrossment and consolidation of farms elsewhere in England across the early modern period.

This paper aims to address this limitation by presenting new quantitative and spatial evidence of farmers’ role in engrossing and consolidating farms in contrasting open field and enclosed parishes across the sixteenth- to eighteenth-century English landscape. Drawing on a proven methodology for reconstructing accurate farm sizes and the spatial layout of holdings (Rhodes, 2018), this paper addresses two main questions: 1) What really happened to farm sizes in England over the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries? 2) What role did subletting play in the consolidation of farms and how did this differ between open and enclosed parishes? Ultimately, this paper contributes to our understanding of the processes underpinning the emergence of capitalist farming in early modern England.

Allen, R. C. 1992. Enclosure and the Yeoman: The Agricultural Development of the South Midlands, 1450-1850 (Oxford University Press: Oxford).
Rhodes, J. 2018. 'Subletting in eighteenth-century England: A new methodological approach', Agricultural History Review, 66: 67-92.
Tawney, R. H. 1912. The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century (Burt Franklin: New York). (Show less)



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