Preliminary Programme

Wed 12 April
    08.30 - 10.30
    11.00 - 13.00
    14.00 - 16.00
    16.30 - 18.30

Thu 13 April
    08.30 - 10.30
    11.00 - 13.00
    14.00 - 16.00
    16.30 - 18.30

Fri 14 April
    08.30 - 10.30
    11.00 - 13.00
    14.00 - 16.00
    16.30 - 18.30

Sat 15 April
    08.30 - 10.30
    11.00 - 13.00
    14.00 - 16.00

All days
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Wednesday 12 April 2023 08.30 - 10.30
X-1 POL01 Citizenship I: Legal Citizenship and Status
Västra Hamngatan 25 AK2 136
Network: Politics, Citizenship, and Nations Chairs: -
Organizers: - Discussants: -
Moderators: -
Emmanuel Blanchard : Claims of French Citizenship and Come Back in the French Nationality from People who Became Algerians in 1962 (c. 1960-2010)
The procedure for reinstatement in French nationality, introduced in the Civil Code of 1804, has entered into a "new age" following the decolonisations of the 1960s and the subsequent tightening of immigration policies during the folllowing decades. From 1960 to 2010, more than 200 000 people were concerned and became ... (Show more)
The procedure for reinstatement in French nationality, introduced in the Civil Code of 1804, has entered into a "new age" following the decolonisations of the 1960s and the subsequent tightening of immigration policies during the folllowing decades. From 1960 to 2010, more than 200 000 people were concerned and became French again, after they had lost the French citizenship when their country became independant. Most of them (around 90%) were Algerians. Through an archival inquiry, focusing mainly on individual applications, and interviews with people who claimed their French belongings, this reaserch is an attempt to connect approach about Legal Consciousness, Citizenship studies and individual stories, including complex paths from people who even did not know if the independance of Algeria (1962) had made them French or Algerian. (Show less)

Jens Carlesson Magalhães : “Our Status as Citizens”: Jewish Emancipation in Sweden 1838–1870
The research on Jewish emancipation is extensive for many parts of Europe. However, there is a gap in the research in the Nordic countries. This paper presents my doctoral project: the fight for Jewish emancipation in Sweden, seen from the perspective of the Jewish congregations in Gothenburg, Norrköping and Stockholm. ... (Show more)
The research on Jewish emancipation is extensive for many parts of Europe. However, there is a gap in the research in the Nordic countries. This paper presents my doctoral project: the fight for Jewish emancipation in Sweden, seen from the perspective of the Jewish congregations in Gothenburg, Norrköping and Stockholm. Comparing with international research, this paper will outline some of the main features in Jewish Emancipation in Sweden, usually defined between 1838–1870. This was a time when many civic rights had just been won (1838), but political rights were still far away (1870) and something that many Jews fought for.
Jewish Congregations in Sweden were autonomous and there was no overarching structure as in other countries – Sweden did not have a Chief Rabbi. Therefore, the struggle for emancipation differed between the congregations, even though several joint efforts were made. Difference between cities and congregations are thus of particular interest to this project. For example, the Jewish congregation in Gothenburg, was leading in terms of reform, and had access to aspects of the bourgeois community that was more closed to members of the congregation in Stockholm.
Many concepts intertwine in the phenomenon of Jewish emancipation, such as acculturation, liberalisation, secularisation, nation-building, nationalism, identity, individualisation, immigration, integration and not the least the question of citizenship. Of the many concepts linked to emancipation, this paper will mainly focus on citizenship, nationalism, and identity. What did it mean to belong to the Swedish nation? Who was fit to become a citizen? How did Jews argue within the congregations as well as in their petitions to the king? When trying to answer these questions, another question is implicitly answered: why emancipation was important. It held major symbolic value. It meant becoming accepted as citizens of the Swedish nation. (Show less)

Carolyn Eichner : Named By the State: French Jews, Algerian Muslims, & 19th-Century Naming Mandates
On July 20, 1808, Napoleon issued the Décret de Bayonne mandating that “Those subjects of our empire who follow the Hebrew religion, and who, up to the present, do not have fixed given or family names…will be required to adopt one.” This proclamation compelled Jews to replace their traditional ... (Show more)
On July 20, 1808, Napoleon issued the Décret de Bayonne mandating that “Those subjects of our empire who follow the Hebrew religion, and who, up to the present, do not have fixed given or family names…will be required to adopt one.” This proclamation compelled Jews to replace their traditional patronymic onomastic structure, “X son/daughter of Y,” with a distinct permanent forename and surname, and to do so within only three months. The decree delineated the possible names that French Jews could choose, forbidding the selection of “surnames drawn from the Old Testament, or names of cities” – monikers most closely associated with their faith and history. It also restricted first names, to those either from the Catholic calendar, or of heroes from antiquity.

Seventy-four years later, on March 23, 1882, the French legislature passed a law stating that in Algeria, “each native…will be required to choose a patronymic.” Algerian Muslims – like French Jews – practiced a traditional naming structure distinctly different from the hereditary patronymics of Catholic France (and the Christian Western World). Contrary to French governmental contentions that Algerian names lacked coherence, meaning, and history, they included vital information concerning the individual, the family, and either the métier, region, or tribe. Legally directed to abandon these appellations, individuals and families had two months to select fixed patronyms. Unlike Jews, however, Algerian Muslims were encouraged to select “religious” Muslim names. In distinct contrast to the 1808 law, which pressed French Jews toward complete nominal assimilation, the 1882 edict maintained an appellative mark of difference on colonized Algerian Muslims.

Both the Jewish and the Algerian Muslim cases exemplify France’s efforts to centralize and rationalize authority over “not entirely French” groups in metropole and colony via projects of forced assimilation. A fixed surname allowed the French state to count, to tax, and (if necessary) to monitor its citizens and subjects. Christening the two populations – in both senses of the word - with denominations structured on Western Christian norms (a given name followed by a hereditary patronym) exemplified efforts toward forming the theorized universal population. The imposition of radical denominative reform was one element in the state’s broader goal of compulsory “Frenchness” for Jews, and for a kind of incorporation marked with othering for Algerian Muslims. Forcing French Jews and Algerian Muslims to replace their traditional names with those in a given name/surname form, erased important symbolic and concrete religio-cultural distinctions that stood in the way of an idealized France. (Show less)

Ivan Kosnica : Citizenship and Naturalizations in the Independent State of Croatia (Ivan)
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