To bring together scholars who explain historical phenomena using the methods of the social sciences

Programme

Wed 4 April
    8.30 - 10.30
    11.00 - 13.00
    14.00 - 16.00
    16.30 - 18.30

Thu 5 April
    8.30 - 10.30
    11.00 - 13.00
    14.00 - 16.00
    16.30 - 18.30
    19.00 - 20.15
    20.30 - 22.00

Fri 6 April
    8.30 - 10.30
    11.00 - 13.00
    14.00 - 16.00
    16.30 - 18.30

Sat 7 April
    8.30 - 10.30
    11.00 - 13.00
    14.00 - 16.00
    16.00 - 17.00

All days
Go back

Thursday 5 April 2018 11.00 - 13.00
I-6 - POL21 : A Fresh Look at Politics and Populism in the 19th and 20th Centuries
MST/OG/009 Main Site Tower
Networks: Politics, Citizenship, and Nations , Theory Chair: Laura Cerasi
Organizers: -Discussants: Laura Cerasi, Ivan Kosnica
Anders Forsell : Challenging the City: Resistance to Annexation in Rural Sweden, c. 1900-1940.
The aim of this paper is to explore what insights rural resistance against city annexation-policy in early 1900s Sweden can give, in order to understand today’s political discontent and growing populism and alternative party-lists, a challenge of the political order.
In the case of Sweden, many observers have pointed ... (Show more)
The aim of this paper is to explore what insights rural resistance against city annexation-policy in early 1900s Sweden can give, in order to understand today’s political discontent and growing populism and alternative party-lists, a challenge of the political order.
In the case of Sweden, many observers have pointed to an increase in urban-rural divide, as a main factor. By examining the process of annexation of rural areas and municipals to two Swedish towns in 1900-1940, from a rural perspective, I’ll discuss the importance of local identity as a main factor in order to understand the resistance and mobilization against annexation policy. I suggest in this paper that in order to understand rural mobilization against annexation in the early 1900s, we need to consider the Swedish peasant-class experience of losing both status and power in society, and threatened by urban growth and industrialization. In this perspective, this paper suggest, mobilization and resistance against annexation policy in rural areas should be understood as defense of peasant economic and political interests and a distinct cultural identity, or lifestyles. Connected to territory, cultural identity is a main component of the localism which fueled the resistance against annexation-policy in the early twentieth-century Sweden.
By focusing on the rural areas rather than cities, this paper takes a different approach to processes of regionalization and urban policy more common among historians and social scientists. It problematize the urban-rural connection by bringing in the context of social and political change In Swedish society and how these macro processes are connected to the local-level. In this respect, this paper argue that in order to better understand the changes which are affecting our societies today, and the difficulties and challenges it carries with it, we need historical research to understand how societies have dealt with similar changes and processes. This paper argues that the results from this study can give us insights and clues to better and understand the increasing cleavage between urban and rural areas and what it means in politics. (Show less)

Nathaniël Kunkeler : The Organisation of Fascist Myth-making in Sweden and the Netherlands, 1933-40
Throughout the interwar years, minor fascist parties mushroomed across Europe, struggling to assert and define themselves to the public. While national media were typically focused on the rise of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, indigenous fascist parties inspired by their foreign counterparts, faced an uphill struggle to differentiate themselves through ... (Show more)
Throughout the interwar years, minor fascist parties mushroomed across Europe, struggling to assert and define themselves to the public. While national media were typically focused on the rise of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, indigenous fascist parties inspired by their foreign counterparts, faced an uphill struggle to differentiate themselves through an arduous exercise in fascist myth-making never faced by the Germans or Italians. This is a comparative case study of two examples: The National Socialist Workers’ Party (NSAP) led by Sven Olov Lindholm, and the National Socialist Movement (NSB) of Anton Mussert, two ‘failed’ fascist parties of the 1930s in stable democratic regimes.

This paper will look at how the Dutch NSB and the Swedish NSAP used their organisational apparatus, based on that of the German Nazi party, and modified it to suit their national contexts. While many historians have dismissed these parties as ‘copycats’, their engagement with Nazi organisation and propaganda strategy was far more complex than the derogatory term suggests. Comparing the two party organisations, the relationships between organisation, finances, propaganda, and ultimately electoral success and failure will be highlighted, showing how these were tied to their countries’ particular infrastructures, and socio-political scenes. While the comparatively diminutive size of these ‘failed’ parties has caused many historians to dismiss them the Swedish and Dutch fascist parties possessed a disproportionate mobilising capacity; the propaganda apparatus relied on a relatively small group of fanatic and hard-working cadres which could out-produce and out-perform its rivals even with little financial resources. Using internal party documents and publications, the paper will focus particularly on propaganda events such as party congresses, marches, and rallies to mobilise and propagate specific myths of national fascism.

These parties relied on mobilising myths to motivate their members, and for over a decade sustained a continuous propaganda drive in spite of repeated electoral failure. Combining insights into the operations of party apparatuses with a social-cultural theory of the fascist myth-making which drove propaganda activity, internally and outwardly, propaganda can be understood as performances, dissecting the processes and organisation underlying fascist political theatre, allowing us to draw conclusions about how mythic understandings of fascism were inculcated and disseminated to the public, sometimes successfully, often not. Foregrounding the practical and material requirements of, and limits to, fascist myth-making by these comparatively minor parties will offer a new perspective on the challenges Italy’s and Germany’s fascist regimes gave to their smaller counterparts elsewhere, as they attempted to reconcile their national cultures with the international image of fascism. (Show less)

Sebastien Lazardeux : Populist Movements and Representative Democracy: Love it or Leave it
Contempt for the system of representative democracy is a trademark of populist movements Therefore, they should have little desire to participate in parliamentary elections and thereby to legitimize the system they seek to combat. Yet, operating from within the state is often a more efficient way to truly impact state ... (Show more)
Contempt for the system of representative democracy is a trademark of populist movements Therefore, they should have little desire to participate in parliamentary elections and thereby to legitimize the system they seek to combat. Yet, operating from within the state is often a more efficient way to truly impact state policies than pressures from outside. How populist movements resolve this dilemma between principles and participation is the subject of this paper.
Surprisingly, despite the resurgence of populism in established democracies, little attention has been paid to this issue. Why do some movements rapidly accept the electoral game while others resist integration in the party system? How does the decision to participate to elections affect the internal coherence of the movements? My project analyzes these questions.
Based on primary and secondary sources, as well as archival data and interviews, I examine how far-right populist movements, such as the Social Credit movement in Canada, The Croix de Feu and the Poujade movement in France, and the 5 Star Movement in Italy dealt with this dilemma between principles and participation. These cases have been chosen for the variation in the time they emerged (interwar for the Croix de Feu), 1930s for the Social Credit movement, 1950s for the Poujade movement, and 2000s for the 5 Star movement, the political and cultural environment in which they appeared, and the way they responded to the appeal of electoral politics. Preliminary findings seem to indicate that the sociological composition of the movement impacts the decisions to participate in elections, and that the level of uniformity in the social status of its members affect the movement’s propensity for internal strife. (Show less)

Patrícia Lucas : Conservatives, or not so much? An Analysis of the Ideology of a Portuguese Monarchic Party
The Portuguese political landscape of the second half of the nineteenth century has commonly been divided by historiography in terms of liberals vs. conservatives or, from a somewhat anachronistic perspective, left vs. right. Therefore, the liberal parties were, initially, the «Partido Histórico» and «Partido Reformista» and, secondly, the «Partido Progressista». ... (Show more)
The Portuguese political landscape of the second half of the nineteenth century has commonly been divided by historiography in terms of liberals vs. conservatives or, from a somewhat anachronistic perspective, left vs. right. Therefore, the liberal parties were, initially, the «Partido Histórico» and «Partido Reformista» and, secondly, the «Partido Progressista». As for the conservatives, the organization usually associated with this political position is the «Partido Regenerador».
However, a closer analysis creates different hypothesis. The «Partido Regenerador» existed between the 1850’s and the beginning of the Republic in 1910, and was the party organization that held government for a longer time in the Portuguese Constitutional Monarchy. During its time in office, the «Regeneradores» produced and put into practice some of the most modernizing and democratizing laws, especially concerning the suffrage and the liberty of press. The fact that – contrary to their adversaries, the «Progressistas» – the «Regeneradores» did not have a political program until 1910, contributes to maintain the doubts about its ideological position.
What we intend through this study is to, using a variety of sources available, namely parliament speeches and press articles, analyze the considerations made regarding the ideology of the party, and to understand what was the ideology, or ideologies, truly advocated by the «Partido Regenerador». (Show less)

Maren Lytje : Right-Wing Populisms – the Old and the New: the Role of Authoritarianism
This paper focuses on the role of authoritarianism in right-wing populism. The presentation first returns to Adorno’s 1950 article “The Authoritarian Personality” to discuss to what extent leaders of right-wing populist movements in the United States and Europe fit the category of “authoritarian personality”, but more significantly, how these leaders ... (Show more)
This paper focuses on the role of authoritarianism in right-wing populism. The presentation first returns to Adorno’s 1950 article “The Authoritarian Personality” to discuss to what extent leaders of right-wing populist movements in the United States and Europe fit the category of “authoritarian personality”, but more significantly, how these leaders challenge its meaning. In particular, the paper focuses on the role of new media and fake news in the success of right-wing populist movements, and suggests that the challenge to historiography and history education might not be the nationalist xenophobia of right-wing populism. Rather, the challenge might be what Walter Benjamin has termed fascist aesthetics. (Show less)

Susi Meret : Right-Wing Populisms – Comparing the Old and the New
This paper focuses on how contemporary radical right-wing populism, from Marine Le Pen to Donald Trump, can be related and compared to right wing populist movements and parties from the XIX and XX century. The paper argues that the intense hostility to, and rejection of migrants and, more generally, against ... (Show more)
This paper focuses on how contemporary radical right-wing populism, from Marine Le Pen to Donald Trump, can be related and compared to right wing populist movements and parties from the XIX and XX century. The paper argues that the intense hostility to, and rejection of migrants and, more generally, against anything deemed alien and threatening to national cohesion does not represent, a new phenomenon in history. The aim is to explore newer forms of radical right wing populist through the lense of major nineteenth-century populist movements of the past in both Europe and the United States (nativist movements). Anti-migrant positions, nationalism and the politics of fear have historically played an important role in populist mobilization, not least because the combination of these allow populist movements to transcend differences between social groups and because this ‘winning formula’ offers populists the opportunity to promote themselves as the champions of ‘collective’ national identity -- a concern also central to contemporary radical populist right. The paper will conclude in re-instating the importance of the historical method to better comprehend what are often considered entirely new socio-political phenomena. (Show less)